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Along with the Big Beautiful Bill, people are debating various forms of support for families, such as the CTC and baby bonuses and so on. And alongside that debate, there is the debate about birth rates (so heavily promoted by Elon Musk and, sadly, by the relentlessly negative figures around the world). When those discussions occur, you will often hear it said, and people say this as if stating an established, uncontroversial fact, that paying people to have kids (or variants on that theme) does nothing to boost the birth rate.
Somebody who has been pounding the table and saying "No, no, no" to that idea for as long as we can remember has been Lyman Stone, demographer and head of the Institute for Family Studies's pro-natalism initiative. And so, as we wrote yesterday, he has come out with a new report (PDF) with the very clear subtitle, "Pronatal Policy Works, and America Can’t Afford to Forego It."
It's worth breaking down his argument in detail, since it's so contrarian and, if right, so important.
Stone's most compelling argument comes from an exhaustive review of 43 academic studies examining 58 different policy interventions across multiple countries. The analysis reveals a clear pattern: when governments increase family financial support, birth rates rise proportionally.
The review found that policies increasing benefits by roughly 4% of GDP per capita are associated with a 1% increase in birth probabilities. While this might sound modest, Stone emphasizes that even small increases compound over time. A sustained increase of just 0.05 to 0.15 children per woman would translate to 10-30 million additional Americans by 2100—equivalent to adding the entire population of Florida.
Beyond academic studies, Stone examines recent policy interventions in 17 countries that implemented major pronatal policies between 2000-2025. Using difference-in-differences analysis, he found these policies increased fertility rates by an average of 0.09 to 0.18 births per woman. The countries examined include Estonia, Australia, Russia, Hungary, Poland, and others.
Stone invites us to look at the example of Mongolia. When the country expanded financial incentives for births during the 2000s, fertility rates rose substantially. But when these benefits were allowed to shrink in value over time, fertility rates declined accordingly—providing, he argues, a natural experiment in policy effectiveness.
Another country particularly worth paying attention to here is Hungary. Hungary has been the most ambitious country in terms of natalist policies, and yet, you will hear people saying that its birth rates are still too low. The glass is half-empty, yes. But it is also half-full. The country's fertility rate rose from 1.25 in 2012 to 1.52 in 2022 following a series of pronatal policies, including constitutional protection of marriage, the CSOK housing subsidy program for young families, and expanded cash benefits. Using sophisticated tempo-and-parity-adjusted fertility measures—which account for timing shifts versus genuine increases in family size—Stone shows that Hungary is one of only two countries to achieve documented increases in completed fertility in recent years.
Critics often argue that pronatal policies merely shift the timing of births rather than increasing total fertility. Stone acknowledges this "tempo effect" but argues it's actually a policy victory, not a failure.
Survey data shows that 22% of American reproductive-age women want to have a child in the next two years, but birth data suggests only 10% actually will. Among women aged 25-29, 37% want a child in the next two years while actual fertility rates are only 17-20%. This suggests many Americans are having children later than they prefer, not necessarily fewer children overall.
Moreover, Stone argues, earlier births provide genuine demographic benefits: children enter the workforce sooner, mothers face lower health risks, and healthcare costs are reduced. The tempo effect represents families achieving their stated preferences, which is inherently valuable.
Stone also emphasizes that effect sizes considered "small" by academic researchers can be demographically significant when sustained over time, due to the compounding nature of population growth.
To Stone, The key insight from international experience is that sustained, generous financial support for families can meaningfully influence fertility decisions. While no single policy can restore replacement-level fertility, the accumulated evidence suggests that well-designed pronatal policies represent a cost-effective investment in America's demographic future.
As Stone concludes: "Cash-for-kids works. It is relatively cost-effective, and its fertility effects help families achieve their own stated family goals."
A worthy contribution to the public debate, at a particularly auspicious time.
SEE ALSO: Our interview with Stone on this and every other topic natalism-related (YouTube, Spotify, Apple Podcasts)
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